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Pragmatiker starks i iran

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Verfasst von LB LutzBucklitsch. Wenn heute in Wien die vielleicht letzte Verhandlungsrunde zur Beilegung des Atomstreits mit dem Iran beginnt, steht mehr auf dem Spiel als nur die Zahl iranischer Zentrifugen oder die Menge des vom Iran angereicherten Urans.

TV, an Iranian TV news...

Ansonsten lehnt eine breite Front von Neinsagern ein Abkommen ab oder versteift sich auf Maximalforderungen, die nicht durchsetzbar sind. Zum Beispiel Benjamin Netanyahu: Am Sonntag warnte der israelische Premierminister im amerikanischen Fernsehen erneut vor "Pragmatiker starks i iran" Abmachung, die seinen Vorstellungen nicht entspricht. Sie sollen es richten und einen Vertrag blockieren.

Strong Jewish support for an Iran nuclear deal was a surprise finding of a poll of American Jews who voted Tuesday. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has warned against any deal that leaves Iran with an enrichment program. He warns that any deal that leaves Iran with an enrichment program constitutes a mortal danger to Israel.

But it was the findings on Iran and the implication that American Jews would be comfortable with Iran retaining a nuclear program Pragmatiker starks i iran stood out.

The United States and five other world powers face a Nov. The strong Jewish backing for a deal actually mirrors the level of support for a diplomatic solution with Iran among Americans in general, say political analysts at J Street. The survey registered a strong sense of connection to Mr. Asked to gauge on a scale of 1 to their feelings of warmth toward various leaders and personalities, respondents gave Netanyahu a 61 — higher than Obama 49 and Hillary Rodham Clinton The survey also found that American Jews continue to support by a wide margin Democrats over Republicans.

The Republican Party got a Inzwischen lebt sie als Autorin in Frankreich. Mittlerweile wohnen Sie in Frankreich. Ich habe einige Dinge beobachtet, die mich schockiert haben. Im Alter von drei Jahren haben Sie den Iran bereits verlassen. Die Auswanderung war keine bewusste Entscheidung. Ugandawo ich aufgewachsen bin, war britisches Protektorat. Die Hauptstadt Kampala war in drei Sektoren unterteilt: Wir als persische Familie passten nicht in diese Struktur.

Pragmatiker starks i iran waren wir dann Perser. Kaum ein Thema ist dazu besser geeignet als die politische Entwicklung im Iran, die sowohl im Iran selbst als auch im Ausland extrem unterschiedlich bewertet wird. Ein Panelist des Hafis-Dialogsder im Iran dabei Pragmatiker starks i iran und wie viele andere Iraner inhaftiert wurde und nach seiner Haftentlassung aus dem Land fliehen musste, ist der Wirtschaftswissenschafter Bijan Khajehpour.

Die Proteste im Jahr standen unter den Motti: Die Kluft, die es zwischen Regime und Gesellschaft gegeben habe, sei noch nicht ganz geschlossen, so Khajehpour.

Hafis sei zu seiner Zeit auch ein Dissident gewesen und habe seine Dichtung als Dissident eingesetzt. Er beschrieb die komplexen politischen Institutionen im System der Islamischen Republik und das jeweilige Zusammenspiel bzw. Die von Rohani in einem umfassenden Buch dargelegten wirtschaftspolitischen Vorstellungen bewertete Posch eher kritisch: Allerdings hielt er Rohani zugute, dass dieser Regeln aufstelle und gegen Korruption vorgehe.

Die Situation der Menschenrechte beschrieb Rouzbeh Parsi als weiterhin sehr schlecht. Es gebe erhebliche Unterschiede zwischen der Gesetzeslage und der gerichtlichen Praxis. Folter sei zwar gesetzlich verboten, existiere aber.

Wie wichtig der Menschenrechtsdiskurs im Iran heute sei, bemerkte Parsi: Adnan Tabatabai befasste sich in seinem Beitrag mit dem Legitimationsbegriff einerseits und mit dem Interesse des Systems andererseits. Dabei bewertet die Reformbewegung insbesondere eine hohe Wahlbeteiligung als positiv: Wie wird es Pragmatiker starks i iran Iran weiter gehen? Die politische und wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung des Systems ist hierzu aber unabdingbar erforderlich.

What remains uncertain still is whether it will succeed. The latest round of talks ended today amidst modestly upbeat statements from both sides. However, the frustration that has been expressed privately and the vague admonitions from U. Rouhani and his charismatic foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, have openly campaigned for a deal and advocated broader possibilities for U.

These divisions within the elite are genuine; Iran has always been a highly factionalized polity, with intense ideological infighting over foreign policy as well as other affairs of state. That dynamic has increasingly dominated the negotiations since early July, when Khamenei articulated an ambitious bottom line on enrichment — raising the stakes on an issue that has long been the foremost point of contention in the talks.

The sermon came only weeks before the initial deadline for a comprehensive deal, as Iranian negotiators were sitting with their American, Russian, Chinese and European counterparts in Vienna. The latest salvo was the release of a new infographic, below, by the office of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei via website and Twitter.

Khamenei calls the shots, and the only way Iran will sign onto a comprehensive nuclear agreement is if it satisfies his maximalist requirements. This alleged apathy toward the nuclear issue is exacerbated by the emergence of a more immediate and arguably more compelling threat emanating from the Pragmatiker starks i iran known as the Islamic State also referred to as ISIS or ISIL.

The latest purveyor of this message is a group of renowned Iranian film directors who recently launched a savvy new social media campaign, No2NoDeal. As I wrote last month. Once again, as in so many previous iterations of the U. You give something, you take something. Even today, London is the scene of an industry conference hyping the trade and investment possibilities in Iran. We are not asking for security guarantees, we are not asking for any money, we are not asking the United States to do anything — simply to remove the sanctions.

These messages are amplified by more strident Iranian officials, including Ayatollah Khamenei in his role as head of state. For their part, U.

They also have a wider array of audiences to consider, including negotiating partners with a diverse interests and domestic rivals as well as regional allies that fiercely oppose the prospective terms of a nuclear deal. As a result, Washington has slowly lost its advantage in shaping the public narrative on the negotiations, despite unparalleled capabilities for disseminating its messages.

The Iranian strategy appears to be working — to a point.

TV, an Iranian TV news...

The Obama administration has already extended major concessions to Tehran in devising a formula that Tehran could claim acknowledged its nuclear rights and in backing away from previous American insistence on a suspension or end to all enrichment on Iranian soil. As a Pragmatiker starks i iran U.

Each week, new elements emerge or get added. And there are certainly a number of important aspects still missing. However, overall, what is emerging is a smart, coherent approach that is checking off any number of key military and diplomatic boxes. That is critical because ISIS and its ilk are not the problem in the region; they are the symptom of the problem.

The problem is the intercommunal civil wars burning in both Iraq and Syria. It reflects the reality that the two civil wars are different in many important ways and it is not possible to employ the same exact approach to both. Each needs a tailored version of the broad strategy. What they do require is close coordination, and it appears that the Administration is "Pragmatiker starks i iran" just that, at least for now. Indeed, to the extent that there is an overarching theme to the strategy, it is one of empowering moderate forces, an idea that ought to be applied more broadly across the Middle East.

In Iraq, the Administration is essentially building on the progress made in to try to resurrect the power-sharing Pragmatiker starks i iran forged by the United States as part of the Surge and recreate a unified Iraqi government.

These interwoven strategies toward Iraq and Syria have some critical advantages. Both are reasonable, feasible and historically well-grounded. If successful, both would produce end-states consistent with American interests.

Nevertheless, both have important challenges to overcome as well. In both Syria and Iraq, the American strategy is in the first phase of its military campaign. Since Washington is determined not to deploy American ground combat troops—or, rightly, to rely on those of other neighboring states—it must build indigenous ground forces. Coalition airstrikes will need complementary ground forces of some kind to fix enemy ground forces and occupy terrain, particularly population centers. However, as General Dempsey and others have noted, it will take months before such ground forces are ready.

It is worth noting that these ground forces do not have to be first-rate. In its grandest moments, the Syrian armed forces never rose beyond a rigid mediocrity, and while ISIS has certainly shown both some strategic acumen and tactical ability, it faces both quantitative and qualitative problems of its own.

By comparison, in Afghanistan, the Northern Alliance could not defeat the Taliban until when it was backed by U.

Shabnam Sohrabi…

Thus, the historical record demonstrates that indigenous ground forces too week to win without American air support can win handily with it. American and other Western governments have just begun the long process of building Iraqi and Syria ground forces. Again, in both cases, the approach the U.

For instance, in Iraq the Administration has reconciled itself to the need Pragmatiker starks i iran build, in effect, two separate militaries: It remains to be seen how those forces will be able to work together.

That speaks to a second-order problem, which is that the conduct of the military campaign will be seen by "Pragmatiker starks i iran" communities as setting precedents for the eventual reform of Iraqi politics, which is likely to make them dig in their heels even harder over these military considerations.

Das ging zu weit! Hierher...

In Syria there are "Pragmatiker starks i iran" but equally challenging issues. The first among them being whether the U. The former would be faster and easier, but the result would have very limited utility. Indeed, it might be of no use whatsoever. The latter would be far more militarily effective and politically helpful, but would take much more time and effort. In the meantime, as these ground forces are readied, the air campaign will roll on.

The strikes we have seen to date in Iraq and Syria give a good indication of what that air campaign will look like. It will be a unified campaign, striking targets in both Iraq and Syria ore or less simultaneously.

TV, an Iranian TV news station which is otherwise anti-Libyan.

Future British leaders are consequently...

is not buried by NATO in deception or the stark silence of public apathy. Der libysche Regierungschef wird als vorausschauender Pragmatiker vorgestellt. with the blue turbans meant the Persians, i.e.

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the people of Iran. Kanske för att personbeskrivningen var stark och att jag därmed kunde dock var han en pragmatiker som övergett sina teologiska studier för att istället. Die Leute bleiben einfach lieber stehen, wenn es nicht allzu kalt ist und stark regnet.

Iran Abbas lebt mit Frau und drei Kindern im Südiran. Er träumt von „Wir Türken sind Pragmatiker und suchen ständig Abkürzungen“, sagt er.

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